Looking back to the founding of the United States, is it
right to say that the Constitution is the Constitution of a Christian country? The answer has to be: “yes and no.”
That is to say there is an ambiguity in the question. Taking
the question to be “Was the population of the US at the time of ratification
Christian?” the answer is yes. It was overwhelmingly, even though not
exclusively, Christian, and its Christian character significantly affected all
of civic life.
The somewhat less obvious disambiguation of the question is
whether the voting segment of the population in ratifying the Constitution
constitutionalized their own religious commitments, and the answer is that they
clearly, dramatically, did not.
The typical person on the street of one of the former
colonies would strike us today as aggressively religious and well steeped in
Christian bible learning, doctrine, and practices. With limited exceptions, notably
in Maryland, the doctrine would have been uncompromisingly Protestant, often
accompanied by a bigoted hatred of Catholicism.
There is a good deal of debate about the religion of the
founding founders, but that debate is largely beside the point. The founders are
a skewed sample. Drawn from the educated
elite, the founders over-represented deism. In its pure form deism takes the
existence of a creator God to be inferable from our experience of the natural
world. This is to say, deists embrace one or more arguments in the cosmological
and teleological families. Their defining difference from theists, many of
whom, of course, also accept these arguments of “natural theology,” is that the
deists, at least the pure deists, reject all forms of revelation and, in
particular, scriptures. The several arguable deists among the leading founding
fathers tended towards some accommodation with Christian scriptures and
practices and were firmly onboard with what was popularly understood to be
Christian morality. At the Convention deists were better represented than Catholics
and Jews, of which there were, respectively, two and none.
What is remarkable is that a population that was so
overwhelmingly Christian and Protestant ratified a constitution that gave
Christianity no special status at all. The constitutions of the states were
full of preamble obeisances to God or Christ, a feature also of the Articles of
Confederation and, as everyone knows, of the Declaration of Independence. The
Preamble to the Constitution, in what cannot but have been intentional, gave
the pride of place to “the People,” letting God go unmentioned. (Jefferson
Davis and his friends quite consciously reversed this important symbolic
omission by invoking, in the Preamble to the Constitution of the Confederate
States, “the favor and guidance of Almighty God.”)
Most of the states at the time of the drafting of the
Constitution had religious tests for voting or holding office. Only believers in God or in God and
immortality or only Trinitarians or only members “of any Protestant sect” were
eligible. The US Constitution not only
lacked a religious test clause, it had a clause prohibiting any religious test. (Article VI.) As conservative constitutional scholar Michael McConnel
emphasizes that this was a “dramatic departure from the prevailing practice in
the states.” (“The Origins and Historical Understanding of Free Exercise of
Religion,” 103 HARV.L.REV. 1409,1474(1990).
Anti-federalists in the
ratification debates paraded the horribles that Papists, Pagans, or
“Mohametans” could, under the proposed Constitution, become President of the
United States. Yet the vote in the Convention on the No Religious Test Clause
had been unanimous, and the Constitution was, of course, ratified by the
states.
The Constitution of the United States was not a secular
revolution. The No Religious Test clause survived for two reasons. First, there
was some trend towards religious tolerance. Washington, for example, took pains
to distribute his church attendance when traveling among different faiths, even
the Catholic. (His church attendance when home at Mount Vernon was Episcopalian
and occasional.) Second, and more
important, religion was generally thought to be best left to the states. So
there is a significant “states’ rights” component to the radically
non-religious nature of the Constitution. Still, it was, and is, radically non-religious. It was the national
charter of a people at that time overwhelmingly Christian, but it is not a
Christian charter.
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