Adding a little randomness to democracy
is sometimes to the good. Why, when, and how far?
The planning meeting for the
neighborhood semi-monthly party was a model of democracy. There was
even a whiff of “degree affected democracy,” as those who were
going to be out of town on the party night, would be otherwise
engaged, or were uninterested, simply absented themselves from the
meeting and its votes. (For more on degree affected democracy see
Post of 9/13/14,
The
Moral Underpinnings of Democracy and its Degree-Affected Variant
) This month, as usual, “Heirloom Rock,” won out as the musical
choice for the event. Also, as usual, the partisans of what came in
the neighborhood to be called “Millennium Rock” and “Adult
Hip-Hop” grumbled a little.
Then Jen, perhaps she had been reading
some Athenian history, suggested a new voting procedure for use in
the next meeting. Everyone marks ballots as usual. Then they are all
be put in Ms. J's large monkey pod salad bowl. Finally one ballot is
pulled out of the bowl by little Zisi and whatever was checked on
that ballot would be the music for the party. Jen explained that in
this way the fans of not- quite-so-old rock and of rap would
sometimes get their music, In the long run each of their nights
would be in proportion to their numbers.
This suggestion was adopted, and it
worked out even better than Jen prophesied. With the new voting
procedure officially in place, members of the different camps started
negotiating for mixed musical programs. Rather than risking an entire
night of uninterrupted hip hop, however adult, the Heritage Rock
majority was willing to compromise on giving some time to one or both
of the other genres at each party. Preferring not to wait perhaps a
year for their music, the younger set were happy to get some of it
played at least every other party. No one was completely happy with
the arrangement, but no one felt that their preferences were entirely
disregarded or that they were second class neighbors.
Lottery democracy, or “sortition”
does indeed go back at least as far the 500 selected by lot in
ancient Athens for its legislative and jury functions. It never
guaranteed right outcomes, as one widely reported criminal case for
youth corruption and impiety illustrates, but it had some egalitarian
virtues and benefits for diversity and against corruption. As philosopher Allan Gibbard
noted, sortition also eliminates strategic voting. In a plurality
election with three choices, of which you anticipate yours to be third in popularity, you may vote for your second preference to try to keep
your least favorite from winning. With sortition you can vote for
your favorite without increasing the chances that the greater evil
will win. And it is possible that you will win – the probability
if which you increase by voting. There is always an incentive to vote,
no matter how small your minority.
Sortition, modified by challenges for
cause and a limited number of peremptories, constitutes most trial
juries in the common law tradition. Grand juries are made up by
lottery with even less filtering. Robert Paul Wolff and Akhil Amar
have proposed more sweeping use of sortition in electing
legislators or other public functionaries. Wolff was looking for a
mechanism for performing some state-like functions with as little as
possible of what he saw as the moral illegitimacy of the state.
Amar's chief concern was gerrymandering, wasted votes, and, in
general, the unhappy lot of voting minorities.
My neighborhood party case responds
primarily to the Amar family of concerns in the case of issue voting.
Jen's proposal appeals to our intuitions of fairness. The results
have a good claim to be appropriate, even handed, and to afford
equal dignity to all the neighbors..
Its merits, however, depend upon some
assumptions. Consider, first, ephemeral minorities. Suppose that the
musical tastes in our neighborhood were flighty. A member of the
Heirloom Rock majority is not significantly more likely to prefer
that music six months from now than is a member of the Adult Hip-Hop
minority. One's musical allies one month might well be one's
opponents two months later. There are always minorities, but no one
is in the long run more likely to be in a minority than in the
majority. Under these circumstances the chief virtue of sortition
disappears, and a serious negative becomes obvious.
That a minority position wins out over
a majority always means that more people have their choices
frustrated. The core value of majoritarian democracy is that
represents the best projection of free choice and individual autonomy
into the domain of social decision making. The fewest possible
individuals don't get their way. Letting an ephemeral
minority determine an outcome simply amounts to a random subtraction
from the virtue of majority rule. More choices, perhaps many more
choices, are frustrated.
Majority choice frustration happens
with sortition when there are durable minorities too, of course.
However, because the frustrated majority is a durable one, it is
composed of voters who, even with sortition in place, get their own
way most of the time. In that respect theirs seems a less serious
hardship than that of the durable minority, which under majority rule is always frozen out.
The more durable the minority the
stronger the argument for sortition, the more ephemeral, the weaker. Where any current voter is as likely to
be in the majority as the minority by the time the next election
rolls around, then this core value favoring sortition disappears
altogether.
A second criterion for attractive
sortition is that the minority's choice would not be too awful in
the majority's eyes. In a early draft I had oompah bands and heavy
metal as my alternatives to Heirloom Rock. You may well, know,
however, someone who would be driven out of the party straight away
by oompah and perhaps someone else who would react similarly
to heavy metal. (Imagine an oompah band heavy metal fusion!) There
is one neighbor who just loves Oktoberfest and there are two
metalheads. Probabilities under sortition should not have these
genres succeeding very often, but should they ever succeed? In my sketched case, their success might well be self defeating, as the party
simply wouldn't populate. The more nearly intolerable a minority
position is, the less attractive is sortition.
There has to be a caveat here. Certain
kinds of awfulness ought not to count against sortition. Seating an
African American on a Mississippi school board might well have been
intolerable to the majority of a majority white district. In this case, however,
sortition or some other mechanism, e.g. proportional voting, would be
morally required. This obviously normative consideration would require a
good deal of spelling out. What follows will do a little of that
work.
An issue that affects a durable
minority more than it affects the majority will be more sortition
appropriate – assuming, at least, the differential effect is not
taken into account in some other way, such as by giving multiple
votes to the more affected minority. If the majority is more
affected, then sortition is less appropriate.
What about the importance of the issue?
It was on purpose that my party music case involved a decision of no
very great moment. It is not the death penalty or the risk taking of
big banks or unlimited election funding. It is a greater unfairness
if a durable minority always loses on important issues, yet randomly
taking an important issue away from the majority is also a greater
assault on the values of individual choice and autonomy. I tend to think that
as importance increases these values underlying majority rule gain
weight more rapidly than those underlying sortition. This is on the
assumption, again, that the degree affected is roughly the same
between majority and minority. Where the minority is more affected
greater importance increases the value of sortition; when the
majority is more affected by an issue, a high level of importance
forecloses sortition.
At this point I do not have any real
argument for my contention that majority rule is preferable to
sortition in proportion as issues become more important, degree
affected being equal. It might well be that importance is too crude a
category. Perhaps what is crucial is the way in which an issue is
important.
There is a generalization of issue
sortition democracy to super-majority situations. If a 2/3 vote is
now required to pass a proposition, the alternative sortition
procedure would be to draw three votes out of the bowl. The motion
passes if and only if at least two of the ballots are marked in
favor.
When both the issue and the status quo
are so important that a super-majority procedure is attractive in
the first place, however, a sortition alternative will almost always
be unattractive. Why, if we want to guard against change by requiring
a super-majority, would we accept the possibility that the issue be
decided by the very good luck of a small minority? (Perhaps we could
tell a story about a generally change averse society that still likes
the spice of occasional unpredictable novelty, but I doubt it is
going to be a story with much of a moral for political philosophy.)
As well as working out the theory and
the details of the proper trade off between the values underlying
majority rule and those underlying sortition, any serious
consideration of issue sortition is going to have to deal with the
practical problem of reconsideration. My party music example
implicitly excluded the possibility that the losers could get the
issue reopened. The ballots were cast; one was randomly selected; it
controlled; and that was that for the coming party. In many
assemblies, however, a motion for reconsideration, is in order and
will prevail if it has enough support. The majority, with
probabilities on its side, can be assured of winning out if it can
keep trying.
So an issue sortition process requires
some period during which reconsideration is off the table. This need
not be the same period for all issues. It might be left to the
authors of the proposition to be voted upon. Sometimes the period is
all but dictated by the content of the proposition. Reconsidering the
building of a bridge ¾ completed is rarely a good idea. In other
cases there will be room for some games-think. Longer reconsideration
ban periods give your proposition more time to take effect if you
win. However, you must wait longer before trying again if you lose,
and shorter periods might attract more sitters from the fence.
Postscript: With the success of our
semi-monthly parties, a neighboring neighborhood adopted the idea.
One of its residents designed a “smart jukebox.” Party goers
would put in their choice of genre, among five, for the next set of
tunes and the box's computer would select at random among all the
choices submitted. (Well, pseudo-random for sticklers, but a good
pseudo-random.) This neighborhood made the boast that their idea
better combined sortition's fairness to minorities with a greater
sensitivity to the degree participants were affected, as only those
then present and then interested “cast ballots.”
No comments:
Post a Comment